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Economic Confidential,
September 2008
ESSAY
Nigeria's Monetary Policies and Sustainable Macroeconomic
Performance
By *Oluba Martin. Ph.D
Conceptual Clarifications
Along with fiscal policy which is concerned with revenue and
spending activities of the government, monetary policy is widely
used to ensure that predetermined macroeconomic goals are achieved.
Monetary policy refers to the ways of managing money in an economy
and consists in the modification of the quantity of money by the
central bank in order to achieve certain set macroeconomic targets
such as price stability, economic growth, full employment etc.
Consequently by keeping inflation low and reasonably stable,
entrepreneurial activities that will crystallize in improved
macroeconomic performance will be enhanced. Monetary policy can also
exert short-term influences on real activity such as orchestrating a
temporary boom. The central bank's ability to modify the supply of
money derives from its statutory monopoly over the supply of
monetary base which equally enables it to determine the conditions
at which the banks borrow from it. Being able to determine bank's
borrowing conditions the central bank central is able to influence
the conditions at which banks lend and borrow from each other and
through these mechanisms can change the interest rate which
consequently has implications for many other economic indices. Many
economy managers have used expansionary fiscal and monetary policies
to combat unemployment while restrictive monetary policy through its
upward pressure on interest rates is used to fight inflation. But
interest rates can either be manipulated directly by fiat or by
either increasing or reducing the monetary base or reserve
requirements. As in many other countries the central bank of Nigeria
also play such other roles as lender of last resort, regulator of
the banking subsector in order to effectively and easily affect the
quantity of money. It is equally entrusted with leading roles in
achieving financial sector stability. In regulating the banking
subsector, the central bank empowers the banks to create money
titles that are instantly redeemable as money very much differently
from credits whose redemption is possible at future dates. Thus the
banking policy reinforces the monetary policy of the central bank.
Since monetary policy is primarily concerned with influencing the
quantity of money, it can either be expansionary where the stock of
money in the economy expands or it can be contractionary with
decreasing stock of money availability.
Developmental Role: Obvious Truths
Some of the major concerns is whether the conduct of monetary policy
partly deducible from the above description truly creates lasting
developmental impacts or whether it causes short-term prosperity
with longer lasting damaging consequences. Firstly, when monetary
policy is ill-designed and implemented, the destructive consequences
at the macroeconomic level far outweigh the supposed immediate
salutary gains. Bernanke (2003) noted that "the upshot is that the
deep 1973-75 recession was caused only in part by increases in oil
prices per se. An equally important source of the recession was
several years of over expansionary monetary policy that squandered
the Fed's credibility regarding inflation, with the ultimate result
that the economic impact of the oil producers' actions was
significantly larger than it had to be. Instability in both prices
and the real economy continued for the rest of the decade" . The
recent United States credit crisis was a clear manifestation of the
capacity of monetary policy to create counterproductive effects if
not well designed and implemented. One of the reasons why this is
possible is because of the bank's monopoly status over the
production of money and near-monies as well as the abuse of the
lender of last resort role which invariably orchestrates attendant
moral hazard. The resultant effect being that banks become reckless
in their dealings believing that in case of any eventuality, they
will be bailed out. It was precisely this type of thinking that
heightened the subprime lending crises. That way, certain monetary
policy frameworks become sources of moral hazards as the monetary
authorities have become underwriters of risky investments. These
effects cumulatively undermine the case for free markets. As
Greenspan (1997) succinctly admitted, "the fiat money systems that
emerged have given considerable power and responsibility to central
banks to manage the sovereign credit of nations. Under a gold
standard, money creation was at the limit tied to changes in gold
reserves. The discretionary range of monetary policy was relatively
narrow. Today's central banks have the capability of creating or
destroying unlimited supplies of money and credit" . On the whole,
poorly articulated monetary policy will inevitably result in costly
crises such as the ones described already. Recall the Asian
financial crisis in 1997. "Thailand's economy developed into a
bubble fueled by "hot money". More and more was required as the size
of the bubble grew. The same type of situation happened in Malaysia,
although Malaysia had better political leadership, and Indonesia,
which had the added complication of what was called "crony
capitalism". The short-term capital flow was expensive and often
highly conditioned for quick profit. Development money went in a
largely uncontrolled manner to certain people only, not particularly
the best suited or most efficient, but those closest to the centers
of power" .
Money is the same thing as any other commodity save that it is not
demanded for its own sake but rather primarily for the purposes of
exchange. Tracing the origin of money back to the era of barter and
use of metallic coins, particularly gold, pretty much confirms this
position. Commodities or things of value exchanged for things of
value. Therefore monetary manipulations such as in excessive
monetary expansions without underlying value only create paper
income. Here lies the problem. Since money is like any other
commodity, the forces of demand and supply determine the worth or
price of money as is the case in all other commodities. Thus without
expansions in the demand for money, its supply can only decrease the
'price' or worth of money. The demand for money on the contrary is
dependent on productivity because as economic agents produce and
offer their output in exchange, they earn (or invariably demand for)
money. Monetary policy therefore does not have the kind of
capability which is often arrogated to it as being best in spurring
economic growth over a medium term period. Over time since the
evolution of money, it has not been able to buy outstanding economic
performance while increasing employment with low inflation. Monetary
expansion beyond the output levels which it should support in
exchange and for exchange purposes only creates a false perception
of wealth in the short run because of the increase in paper income
backed by law which consequently misguides investors and distorts
economy-wide resource allocation. In the short run, expansions in
money stock as described, reduces the purchasing power of money
which is inversely related to inflation. Thus the more the expansion
without corresponding expanded demand which arises from increased
productivity the higher the loss in value of money to inflation.
This can consequently be worsened through heightened expectations of
future inflation depending on how the economic agents on the basis
of past experience perceive the length of possible inflation to be.
Thus distortion of relative prices, misguidance of resource
allocation process with consequent inefficiencies as well as
frustration of perspective planning which is in the heart of
entrepreneurial productivity are some of the fruits that the
inflationary outcomes may yield over a longer period depending on
how long the transmission will last. Aside the immediate value loss,
expansionary monetary policy for example will naturally depress the
interest rates below the supposed market level. The market rate may
approximate a natural rate here in which economic agents voluntarily
lend and borrow without any artificial injection of money. New money
notes which are not backed by value but are rather empowered by the
statutory backing given to the central bank to print money will give
the impression that economic agents are now voluntarily supplying
more money to the loan market out of their savings. It therefore
depresses the interest rate below what it should be, thus
consequently triggering increased borrowing of these hot money for
investment purposes. This boom can be sustained for as long as there
is continued outpouring of more paper money. This is typical of
Nigeria, which economy has been propelled by inflation. But any
slight contraction or correction of this process will invariably
have a reverse effect and as such longterm investments which are
caught up in the process will become bad.
Let us assume that the central bank has very good intentions of
popping up the macroeconomic performance of the country. The
important question is whether central banks are truly independent to
bring to life these good intentions. How much choice does a central
bank have in rejecting to finance budget deficits proposed by the
executive and legislative arms of government? The answer is not far
fetched. Central banks are created and empowered specifically for
paper money creation and its management. Historically speaking
particularly based on experience from this part of the world, the
central bank has little choice when it is faced with the financing
of public sector fiscal deficits. Unfortunately, our macroeconomic
environments are historically replete with fiscal dominance such
that more and more paper monies are printed in order to finance
those deficits. Even when paper monies are not used to finance them,
all other alternative financing options will have virtually same
deleterious effects on the economy. Since 1965 Nigeria's fiscal
disposition has been in favour of deficits which were 99.9% financed
through ways and means - the central bank's term for printing new
currency. The fact that the central bank does not have full autonomy
in a practical sense when required to play a role in financing
deficits means that there is very little it can do with its monetary
policy to enhance economic performance as its policy plans can be
exogenously frustrated through government's fiscal activities. "The
long history of fiscal mismanagement of oil booms in Nigeria
severely proscribed the Central Bank of Nigeria's ability to pursue
a coherent monetary policy. Without the support of a disciplined and
broadly predictable fiscal stance, the central bank was unable to
make credible commitments to an inflation target or, indeed, to any
other intermediate target such as the monetary supply or the
exchange rate. Monetary policy could not reliably anchor inflation
expectations" .
Consequently, the central bank's role in modernizing payments,
enhancing interbank operations and other ancillary activities
essential to the effective workings of monetary policy do not
automatically result in development. The reason being that this
activity which enhances fractional reserve operations only enables
monetary expansions which as earlier pointed out in absence of
increased marching levels of productivity can only worsen the
conditions of the country. A central bank's role in providing money
market infrastructure as described should be matched with a policy
which expands productivity at the same speed or else there will be
consistent short-term bouts of boom which consequently penalizes
more and more productive engagements over a medium to long-term.
Nigeria's Monetary Policy Landscape
As pointed out already, aside the inherent problems of fractional
reserve banking, the efficacy of monetary policy in Nigeria has been
historically undermined by fiscal dominance as well as persistent
liquidity overhang which in part derives from the former. In spite
of the various stages of transformation which the framework for
monetary policy management has been subjected to over the years
these albatross have not abated. Periodization of monetary policy
episodes is summed up in the table below:
Monetary Policy Episodes in Nigeria :
No. Policy Period Key Elements of Policy Management
1. Period of Direct Control (Pre-SAP) " Direct monetary control
prevailed throughout the period prior to the adoption of the
structural adjustment programme;
* Key ingredients of the policy framework include: sectoral credit
allocation, credit ceilings and cash reserve requirements,
administrative fixing of interest and exchange rates and imposition
of special deposits;
* Monetary targets were hardly ever realized;
* Strategy created distortions in resource allocation
2. Period of Indirect Monetary Framework - Short-term (1986 - 2001)
" Use of market instruments in monetary management;
* Adoption of monetary targets and instruments over a one-year
period for the 1986 - 2001 period;
* Nigerian treasury bills (NTBs) was the main instrument Open market
operations during the period;
* Complementary instruments included the adoption liquidity ratio,
cash reserve requirements, discount window operations, mandatory
sales of NTBs, 200% cover of forex demand at the AFEM with NTBs etc.
* Proactive adjustment of MRR in trying to manage liquidity
conditions helped in the deregulation of interest rate policy
3 Period of Indirect Monetary Framework - Medium-term (2002 - 2006)
" Rather than one year, a two year period was now in place for
monetary targets and instruments;
* The adoption of the time fame is predicated on some guess of a
transmission time lag of about 24 months within which monetary
policy is expected to affect its ultimate objective;
* Policy was subject to bi-annual reviews;
* The main instruments of monetary policy management include open
market operations, reserve requirements, discount window operations,
foreign exchange market intervention as well as the movement of
public sector deposits in and out of commercial banks;
* Consolidation and recapitalization of banks was introduced to
strengthen the financial sector and consolidate the gains of policy;
* In 2004/5 new measures were introduced. These include: tight
exchange rate band of plus/minus 3 per cent, two week maintenance
period of cash reserve in addition to movement of public sector
funds
4. Post-Banking Consolidation (2006 - 2007) " Following persistence
of excess liquidity in spite of all the above a review became
necessary and include: zero tolerance on ways and means advances,
gradual run-down of CBN holding of TBs, aggressive liquidity mop-up
operations-frequent OMO sales supported by discount window
operations, unremunerated reserve requirements, increased
coordination between the Bank an the fiscal authorities,
restructuring of debt instruments into longer tenor debts, increased
deregulation of forex market etc.
From the explanations in the schedule above, the dissatisfaction
with the ability of monetary policy strategy at each stage to
achieve its target objectives of price stability and minimal
inflation has led to the adoption of other tactics which eventually
yielded equally futile outcomes. The reason for this is primarily
ascribable to the fact that the root causes of instability in prices
are not addressed by these policies but are rather aggravated by
them. Based on historical experience the fiscal dominance that has
resulted in excessive money creation is a consequence of the
pervasive corruption in the system which unfortunately is
exogenously determined and controlled. It is primarily the cause of
excess liquidity in the system as illegally and corruptly leaked
government funds are best laundered in cash. No doubt however that
the poor banking habits is a factor yet in a highly inflationary
environment it pays to some extent to hold money in very liquid
forms preferably in cash. CBN's regular interventions on the other
hand only create hiccups within the larger system which rather than
orchestrate stability in prices only does the contrary. Perhaps it
needs be explained again that the value of money is dependent on the
demand and supply of money. There may be an expectation element
which is a secondary factor that may affect the value of money but
it is never a strong factor in the absence of the primary causative
element: money. Resort to inflation targeting is equally a no
solution. (see my essay titled 'Inflation targeting or mis-targeting
in Nigeria') Let us look at the implications of these years of
monetary management when output expansions are not appropriately
taken into consideration.
Nigeria: A Victim of Unproductive Debt Expansion
United States of America is usually a ready example used by many
Nigerian economists when justifying their penchant for short-term
monetary stimulation. The argument is usually based on the premise
that the American financial system expands money massively and yet
over many years the economy did not go under. But those who argue
this way forget that the naira fiduciary media created by the
central bank is demanded neither in America nor in any other
country. But even in recent times that there are news of holdings of
naira outside Nigeria, the quantity has been very inconsequential.
On the contrary, the excess money created by the American financial
system is bought and held as foreign exchange reserves by most of
the countries of the world. Nigeria for example is holding almost
US$64 billion. China is holding US$1.8trillion in its reserves as at
June 2008. Collectively therefore the countries of the world such as
Nigeria in pursuing their unjustified huge accumulation of external
reserves purchase the inflationary consequences of the United states
loose monetary policy by narrowing the difference between the supply
and demand for money. Table 2 below presents the 10 most prominent
clients for the purchase of American inflation. Secondly, the level
of productivity in the United States is so high that it drives an
equally high demand for the money. America's GDP in 2007 was the
highest in the world US$13.8 trillion and its per capita GDP is
US$46,000. Nigeria ranks a distant 41st position with a GDP size of
US$166 billion and 137th in percapita GDP which is US$ 2,000. So
where is the productivity that underscores Nigeria's persistent
loose monetary policy? And which countries and in what proportion
hold the Nigerian naira?
It was necessary to start from this premise in order to clear doubt
concerning predication of our pro-inflationary monetary policy
argument on the United States system. The demand for the United
States dollars for use in exchange and as an asset will not likely
abate. Nigeria is not America and we must begin to design programmes
that proffer well tailored solutions based on our peculiar problem
contexts and appropriate economic theory and policy. Let us now
examine the sincerity and effectiveness of our monetary policy. We
use the growth rates of broad money supply as a proxy for monetary
policy based on our earlier definition of monetary policy as
concerned with the change in the quantity of money. We equally use
the growth rate of output as a proxy for growth rate of demand for
money. Recall that by exchanging the goods and services produced,
one is in effect asking for money. Thus based on the classical
barter relations, things of value exchange and money is no
different. The GDP represents the monetary value of all goods and
services produced within the economy and thus are a good measure of
the true demand for money for real economic activities. Relating the
growth in money supply (M2) to the growth in GDP gives us a picture
of unproductive debt expansion i.e. money that is not backed by any
real productive activity.
It is evident that we have been living on an inflationary boom.
Money has grown at a rate that is by far in excess of the growth of
output and has left in its trail substantial heights of inflation.
Inflationary booms overtime equally exerted destructive pressures
over enterprises. Inflation misleads businessmen in their investment
decisions, which causes much waste and many bankruptcies. In fact,
it is the root cause of the boom-and-bust cycle which wreaks havoc
on economic activity. Indeed, inflation breeds many evils of which
most people are unaware (Sennholz: 2005) . Monetary inflation via
loans to business causes over-investment in capital goods,
especially in such areas as construction, long-term investments,
machine tools, and industrial commodities. On the other hand, there
is a relative underinvestment in consumer goods industries. And
since stock prices and real-estate prices are titles to capital
goods, there tends as well to be an excessive boom in the stock and
real-estate markets (Rothbard: 1995) . Hayek (1970) noted that an
unforeseen depreciation of the value of money which is a consequence
of inflation harms creditors and benefits debtors. This is however
important but by no means the most important effect of inflation.
And since it is the creditors who are harmed and the debtors who
benefit, most people do not particularly mind, at least until they
realize that in modern society the most important and numerous class
of creditors are the wage and salary earners and the small savers,
and the representative groups of debtors who profit in the first
instance are the enterprises and credit institutions.
Generally, high rates and volatility of inflation not only make
forecasting future inflation rates more difficult, but uncertainty
regarding future inflation increases the risks associated with
investment planning and thereby reduce the level of investment
spending. High rates of inflation can produce a high degree of
uncertainty about future inflation, which might indirectly affect
investment spending adversely. Increased inflation uncertainty
lowers investment by obscuring price signals (Milton Friedman 1977)
. Inflation uncertainty negatively affects FDI. Increased
uncertainty about future inflation-which generally exists when the
rate of inflation is high-adversely affects investment spending.
Similarly, uncertainty about future price levels could force
investors to delay investment decisions, since investment is a sunk
cost and largely irreversible. Without this uncertainty, consumers
and producers could better plan for the future.
Most generally, inflation is a consequence of government spending
policy and its financing. Government intervention brings about
banks' credit expansion and inflation, and, when the inflation comes
to an end, the subsequent depression-adjustment comes into play. The
banks, for one thing, would never be able to expand credit in
concert were it not for the intervention and encouragement of
government (Rothbard: 1969) .
Positive economic growth is primarily a consequence of falling rates
of time-preference, which invariably results in the increase of
share of saving and investment to consumption, as well as declining
rate of interest. When the rate of interest drops because of the
interference of government and the central bank which promote the
inflationary expansion of bank credit and not necessarily because of
lower time-preferences and higher savings, businessmen, react as
they always would when the rate of interest falls. They invest more
in capital and producers' goods. Previously seeming unprofitable
businesses now seem profitable thus encouraging investments,
particularly in lengthy and time-consuming projects, which
previously looked unprofitable. The investors behave as they would
when voluntary savings actually expanded prompting them to increase
their investment in capital goods, industrial raw material,
construction etc relative to the production of consumer goods.
Entrepreneurs are glad to take advantage of the expanded credit and
borrow - as the money is obtained at cheaper rates - to invest in
capital goods. However, this borrowed credit is eventually expended
on higher rents and wages. Naturally, the expanded business demand
results in increased labour demands and labour costs. Eventually,
these higher costs cannot be sustainably paid by the business men
when the inflationary boom ends: they have made a false investment.
One important thing that emerges from our analysis is that the bulk
of aggregate output growth from 1965 has been driven by monetary
inflation with consequent impacts on investment through the medium
of artificially lowered interest rates. These rates may not easily
be widely and directly observed as such as a result of myriads of
such effects across transaction types, sectors and across time. This
accounts for the many occasions of depressions which have been
observed. In the case of inflation, the impact is general although
it does not affect all sectors, segments or sections of the economy
at the same time, but the effect appears more general and will be
difficult to be isolated. We carried correlation analysis between
inflation and the growth rates of investment given three scenarios
namely (a) same year that inflation occurs (b) a year after
inflationary episodes and (c) two years after the recorded
inflation. The reason for these amendments is based on the
understanding that inflationary effects occur in a step-wise fashion
and is not restricted to one-year but may actually extend to several
years after the recorded inflation. This analysis is only an
approximation as it is extremely difficult to meaningfully track the
full effects of inflation particularly on investment behaviour. But
using a simple assumption we examine at least partially how
estimates of the changes in price levels are related with
investments over the periods.
These coefficients demonstrate clearly the inverse relationship
between investment growth and inflation. Going by this analysis, two
years after officially reporting inflation, it is expected that
between 2000 and 2003 investment would decline almost by 100% of the
increase in prices. For the same period, the effects on average may
not have been fully felt in the first and second years. Basing our
analysis mainly on IG2, we can observe that investment is quite
sensitive to changes in prices. All coefficients save that of the
period of the crash show very good inverse correlation of between
30% and 100%. In IG0, we see many positive correlation points which
confirm the short-term inflationary booms. Thus within the first
year of monetary expansion, investment appears to have grown. But
same inflation which caused this seeming growth will account for the
destruction of these investments few years down the line.
Very close relationship can be deciphered from the graph in figure
2. Whereas inflation occurs first and investment growth reacts,
investment has reacted oftentimes more than proportionately to the
rate of change in inflation after some period of time (which from
the graph is clearly not corresponding to the period of official
inflation report). This more than proportionate response is an
indication of the extent to which the investor is misled in the
occurrence of monetary inflation. The investor/entrepreneur, wrongly
feels that the inflationary situation is a profit situation and
consequently waits for some period before eventually changing his
business orientation in more than proportionate times than the
increase in prices. The level of this misguided perception is also
what determines the level of collapse in investment and output.
Since investments are sunk in periods of boom, the height of the
loss will be positively correlated with the level of sunk
costs/investment.
For instance, prior to 1974, broad money supply grew by 13.8%
(1973). However, in 1974, through 1977, money supply grew by 89%
(1974); 55.7% (1975); 41.5% (1976); and 34.5% (1997). The forced
savings of this period and the consequent mal-investments that
followed resulted in the depression of the 1978 with real output
declining by about 6%. These periods also witnessed massive
investment booms with investment/GDP ratio increasing from 26.8%
(1974); 42.6% (1975); 52.4% (1976) and 55.2% (1977). Investment also
grew in percentage terms rapidly from 2.6% (1974) to 50.3% (1975)
and 33.8% (1976). However, the continued expansion of money supply
which was sustained even after the depression of 1978 could not
support continued investment growth afterwards. By 1978 investment
fell by 27.5% and could not recover from this persistent collapse
for close to a decade. Even as a share of income, investment
continued to crumble. This situation was also worsened by the fall
in oil prices in the international market which consequently
severely affected the earning prospects of the country. So the
buffer that protected the economy from the earlier depression was
withdrawn with a resultant effect of sliding investment growth. In
addition to poor earnings, and depleting reserves, government
sustained its fiscal deficit posture thereby aggravating the
conditions of credit creation out of thin air.
He Who Cares to Hear…
Contrary to several unfounded impressions that the Nigerian
macroeconomic environment is stable the truth is that unfortunately
it is not in spite of all the numbers that are presented by
concerned authorities to prove their case. Theory as already
explained, as well as abundant evidence show how unfounded these
positions are. Macroeconomic growth so far as you can see, has been
precariously inflation driven as figure 1 above clearly shows.
Unfortunately too, no country is prepared to buy off the excess
fiduciary media that is created rapidly by the Nigerian central bank
and the commercial banks. As a show of the impotency of these
actions, real economic activities die on a daily basis. There is no
level of intervention by the central bank in the absence of the
conditions for the growth of entrepreneurial productivity that can
alter the economically swaggering status of this country unless a
honest reversal of the process of excessive money creation. There is
no evidence that this has abated as the recent margin facility
extravaganza have shown irrespective of policy pronouncements on
recent monetary policy framework. The only saving grace so far for
this country is the occurrence of good oil prices in the
international market. Should oil prices drop slightly to the budget
benchmark levels the crash that will follow will be unimaginable.
Our monetary and fiscal policy must be appropriately harmonized such
that at the fiscal end, there is a balanced budget and at the
monetary policy end, growth of money supply should not exceed the
growth of output by more than two percentage points if it should at
all. This rule-based policy making must be complemented by a truly
effective justice system and zero tolerance on official corruption
which of course can only be driven by the president himself for
maximum efficacious outcomes.
*
Martin Oluba, PhD, DBA is an Executive Director in Forte
FinancialLimited, Lagos Nigeria; an adjunct Professor of economics
at the Swiss Management Center, Switzerland and Vienna as well as
adjunct faculty (mentor) at the North central University, Arizona.
He is also a Guest Columnist with the
Economic Confidential.
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