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Economic Confidential,
November, 2009
FEATURES
Nigeria’s bank crisis and the limit of Sanusi’s capitalist reforms
By Kola Ibrahim
So
much have been written about the Nigerian bank crisis and the
‘surgical’ operations being carried out by the capitalist financial
doctors, led by the Central Bank governor, Lamido Sanusi.
Revelations of crass swindles by the “larger-than-life” bank
ex-chiefs have generated bank ss fraud
Nigerian bankingmuch angst against these hawks who lived like
Shakespearean Shylock. While they lived opulently on shareholders’
wealth, country folks continue to live in unending misery spiced
with chronic unemployment and underemployment. It is not uncommon
months ago to see our self-styled enterprising students and youths
with multi-media gadgets, listening to the ‘sacred’ messages of our
entrepreneurial gurus in the banks’ exquisite boardrooms. Today, the
bank hawks earn the opprobrium of even their ex-fans. This explains
why the Lamido Sanusi’s reform pills have at the beginning, gained
support from a sizable section of the populace. To the market-women
and men, the revelation about billions squandered and looted again
brings out their anger and frustration about the state of the
nation. However, without a careful analysis, and the labour movement
taking revolutionary position, the working class will be victim of
another vicious cycle of capitalist crisis of plundering.
While the Sanusi reform has gulped over 600 billion naira (N), there
is already planned massive retrenchment of more than a quarter of
bank workers in months to come. This is an attempt to place the
frauds of capitalist class on the working people. Before long,
several business concerns in manufacturing, services, other
financial institutions, etc. – many of which are directly or
indirectly involved in the bank crisis – will follow this vicious
route. Ironically, the so-called reform has not reflected in the
labour practices of the banks, a situation that has seen bank and
financial workers not only overexploited but also subjected to
uncertainty of job. Is the Christmas gifts of N620 billion from CBN
and government’s N200 billion not justifying this? Otherwise, how
will CBN and government give out close to a trillion naira to 14
banks without being concerned about working conditions of bank
workers?
Despite all propaganda about the Sanusi reform, it is clear that it
is just like building a skyscraper on a quicksand foundation – the
bigger and costlier the structure, the greater the loss and despair
that will accompany its collapse. The current reform is just an
extension of the Soludo reform which laid the basis for the current
crisis. It will be recalled that just like Soludo’s consolidation
and Sanusi’s reform, the Abacha’s bank tribunal before it had also
tried to scapegoat fraudulent bank bureaucrats in an economy
enmeshed in con and decay. Not funny enough, many bank spin doctors,
who did the dirty jobs or indicted during the Abacha era are today
in big business and political power. So, do not be surprised when
those currently being prosecuted among bankers become policy-makers
tomorrow.
The
Soludo consolidation reform was so-called “predicated on making
Nigerian banks strong enough with adequate capital base to fund
economic development”. But at the end of the day, the reform was
nothing short of massive fraud. In truth, the Nigeria’s
pre-consolidation 89 banks could hardly withstand any adverse effect
of risks. But, the character of Nigerian banks reflects the nature
of the economy, which depends on importation of semi- and finished
goods, export of raw materials, totally dilapidated infrastructures,
uneducated population, etc. This has meant recurrent unemployment
and the attendant mass poverty of over 70 percent which leads to
abysmally low purchasing power. This will reflect in the rate of
activities of the banks and their shareholder/customer base. To
expect Nigerian banks to be advanced than its economy will be
daydreaming. Thus, these 89 banks, in search of quick profits,
invested in speculative and unproductive activities – stock market
manipulation, forex deals, money laundering for corrupt politicians,
loans to elitist businesses, etc. – which only recycle the already
made wealth from the poor to the rich few.
But
Soludo’s CBN and the government, rather than stop this horrible
drift, preferred to embolden the rapacious profiteers. Rather than
expand public and social infrastructures and massively invest in
manufacturing, using huge public resources, CBN/Obasanjo government,
in collusion with capitalist local and multilateral vampires,
expanded the reigning but ruining order by asserting by fiat, merger
of banks. This in itself, despite Obasanjo government’s capitalist
ideological commitment, was against the free market ideology that
proclaims free competition. But the government was only interested
in creating new set of global mega billionaires, who will be the
basis of measuring the country’s GDP and economic growth. They knew
too well that massive investment in social and public infrastructure
will reduce money to be gambled upon by the looting class, while
multinational vampires and their international strategists
(IMF/World Bank, etc) will have little access to cheap wealth. They
knew that it will be a class suicide to implement social programmes
that will heavily tax the rich who have amassed huge wealth from the
public till.
After the consolidation, billions of dollars accruing from crude oil
sale were handed over to these business shylocks. Money were given
out to these banks to manage for government through various
intervention programmes like agriculture loans funds; extortionate
contributory pension and monetization policy; etc. While government
paid banks for these activities, the same government through the CBN
will borrow the same monies from banks through issuing short term
bond papers and treasury bills at exorbitant interest of up to 15
percent – more than twice of interests charged by CBN (MPR) on loans
to banks! In 2006, Nigerian banks were allowed to participate in the
arrangement of fraudulent debt buyback which saw over $12.4 billion
of the nation’s wealth siphoned to multinational financial vampires.
Also, in 2007/08, Nigerian banks were given license to ‘manage’ over
$7 billion from the over $60 billion excess crude wealth. Few
months after, the same government issued treasury bills at huge
interest rates. What a nice and legitimate way of robbing the
nation.
With oil contributing over 90 percent of government’s wealth
receipt, CBN has already assured banks of uninterrupted profit even
if the productive sector continues to tumble at less than 40 percent
capacity utilization. Banks, in a craze for mega profits, embarked
on series of public offers, so as to rake in billions from political
looters and big business. These monies were recycled to gain from
government neo-liberal policies through privatization of oil wells,
public corporations like cement companies, ports; fuel import; etc;
financed by the banks. Searching for more wealth coupled with
unprecedented wealth available to bank managers, maddening stock
gambling and perfidious profit taking ensued with banks managers and
shareholders sharing out profit from immature and unrealistic loans
(in an infrastructure deficient economy), and inflating bank share
values by insider buying. The bases for this madness are not
far-fetched: huge wealth at their disposal and bankruptcy of
Nigeria’s business and political class.
All
this continued far into the Yar’Adua government tenure. In fact, the
economic strategists of Yar’Adua government saw nothing wrong in
Soludo’s cheap loans to the banks and costly Treasury bill. When
Soludo’s CBN gave N200 billion to banks as agricultural loan with a
stringent condition that interested farmers should have N200 million
value (in a country where over 95 percent of Nigerian farmers are
peasants), Yar’Adua government only concurred.
It
took the near-collapse of the world capitalist economy which led to
the downward spiraling of crude oil price (which was itself
over-priced by mindless speculation at the stock market), that
exposed the deep-rooted rottenness in the Nigerian economy. It also
shows the bankruptcy of the Nigeria’s economic strategists and
IMF/World Bank spin doctors. Practically, the much touted economic
growth is predicated on oil wealth receipt; the fraudulent wealth of
the few billionaires; and the paper wealth of financial
institutions. At the end of Soludo’s reform is over 30, 000 bank
layoffs and several thousands sacked through Obasanjo’s neo-liberal
reforms. The former bank managers and major shareholders who ruined
the unsuccessful banks looted over N55 billion from these banks
while poor depositors are made victims. Many of these bank managers
and shareholder have found their way back to the banking system.
Having said all this, it is vital to ask question whether the
Sanusi’s prescription is a departure from the ruinous road. Without
incurring the wrath of Sanusi Fans Club, the fact does not place
Sanusi’s reform on another path from the ruinous past. If, as Sanusi
said in a forum, the indicted bank officers should be taken to the
guillotine for the massive fraud they perpetrated, what about a
government that played a central role in the handout spree to banks,
which laid the basis for the whole shenanigan. Sanusi also commended
Yar’Adua for being dispassionate on the reform even when his family
interests in one of the banks are at risk. But Mr. Sanusi failed to
tell us what the president/family was doing when all the tomfoolery
were perpetrated by his bank. Was the president’s family, as a
significant shareholder, not beneficiary of massive racketeering
perpetrated by the family bank? What was the role of the family in
the operation and profit-making of the bank? That Mr. Sanusi rather
than address these issues, exhibited an already superfluous show of
sycophancy, actually show the direction of Sanusi’s reform.
Looking at the reform itself, it is glaring that it cannot go beyond
boundary of the existing shenanigan economy. Pumping N620 billion
into 14 banks as a way of recovering the economy is itself a fraud.
According to official data, just 8 percent of the 20 percent
Nigerians who have access to financial service control around 90
percent of bank deposits while just 1 percent of Nigerians control
80 percent of the nation’s wealth shows. Thus, the N620 billion
bailout benefits the top echelon of Nigerian economic strata. Worse
still, it is those billionaires, who severally and collectively
plunder these banks, are also the major shareholders and depositors
in these banks. Sanusi’s feeble excuse that the bailout fund belongs
to the CBN is funny. Assuming without conceding that the N620
billion belongs to the CBN, the question is who funds the CBN? Is
the banks’ reserve with the CBN up to half of the bailout fund to
these banks? What this imply is that public resources is being used
not to bailout teeming millions of Nigeria’s hoi polloi, but the
already few rich who caused this crisis in the first place.
Then, what is the bailout fund meant for: is it to fill the
bottomless pit of bad debts or buoy up the economy? If it is to fill
the pits, this is an assured failure. According to the CBN and EFCC,
out of the over N1.5 trillion bad debt, less than 20 percent has
been recovered. If the N620 billion is added to this, it is still
less than 65 percent of the bad debts. Even if this amount provides
the fund to start some minimal activities, the banks will not
restore to profitability in the immediate. Whether the EFCC can
recover a sizable amount of the bad debts will sake the weak
foundation of Nigeria's economy as virtually every major player of
the Nigeria’s economy are directly or indirectly affected. If their
estate or collaterals are liquidated, will that safe an economy that
depends on big business? Aside the fact that the properties will
lose values, which will reduce the cost to be recovered, those who
will buy are the same rich few who are one way or the other involved
in the bank scams. What will happen to the ‘real’ economy?
Will the CBN’s N620 billion be used to fund small and medium
businesses? This is not straightforward. In the first instance, what
militates against small and medium industries is not only lack of
credits, but high cost of production which makes local products
uncompetitive. To spur this sector of the economy will require
government massive investment in infrastructures – integrated
transport system, adequate and stable power supply, agricultural
system, etc while there must be deliberate government investment in
the provision of free, quality education and health care, massive
jobs through public works, etc meant to raise purchasing power of
the over 70 percent poor Nigerians and make them participants in the
economy. Contrarily, the government has further committed itself to
anti-poor neo-liberal policies while corruption is rife; with cases
like Halliburton, Wilbros, Siemens, etc being covered up.
What applies to the small and medium industries should just be
magnified for the big industries. What then is the CBN and the
government expect the banks to spend the over N800 billion bailout
fund for? The reality is that, the monies will go through the past
processes: investment in government treasury bills, funding of oil
importation cum privatization of public corporations; and continued
speculation. It is not accidental that the government is insisting
on deregulation and privatization. These are means of spurring
profitability for banks and private big businesses, while avoiding
the ‘rigours’ of committing themselves to developing infrastructures
and improving purchasing power. Before long, government will start
borrowing at high interests, the same bailout money by issuing bonds
to banks.
Sanusi hinted of the possibility of handing over banks to foreign
investors. This in the first instance is an acceptance of bankruptcy
of Nigeria’s business class, and indeed the capitalist political
class. But invitation of foreign investors is just an extension of
bankruptcy. Sanusi’s attempt at portraying foreign investors as
better capitalists is misplaced as the current global economic
meltdown is a product of the perfidy of the western capitalist
class. In fact, foreign financial rating agencies clearly supported
the banks’ racket through their dubious ratings. Furthermore, the
foreign big business operating in Nigeria, in oil and gas,
construction, finance, etc have only served as conduit pipes for
massive capita flight and plundering.
Economically, it would be second slavery. Foreign control of the
financial sector will mean foreign control of the economy. It will
mean that the government will have to implement further neo-liberal
policies (commercialization of education, health, etc,
privatization/re-privatization of public utilities, massive job
losses and salary stagnation through various anti-labour policies,
devaluation of the currency, etc.) meant to limit expenditure on
social services in order to have a stable flow of profit
repatriation. Furthermore, foreign investors cannot trust Nigerian
capitalist class, therefore, they will have to have stake in major
sector of the economy as condition for funding the economy.
Politically, direct foreign intervention in political and military
policies will be necessary as a way of securing foreign business
interest. This will imply increased spying activities in the
country. Already, many of these economic and political policies are
being currently implemented as conditions for loan taking and
servicing. With Sanusi’s pills, the next economic crisis, a normal
occurrence in capitalist boom-and-bust system, will be severe of
Nigeria for the working people.
A
sober analysis of the banking crisis will show that Nigeria’s
capitalist business and political class are at dead-end. Sanusi
could not even attempt partial nationalization of the affected
banks, as done by his masters in western countries. If over 200 big
companies could own trillions in bad debt, is it not sensible that
such companies (and the affected banks) should be taken over by
government and put under democratic public control of workers,
communities and consumer associations. Democratic public management
and ownership of the controlling big businesses in Nigeria will mean
massive governments’ commitment to provision of free, quality
education and healthcare; public mass housing, integrated transport
system (road, rail, air and water); mechanized, poor peasant-based,
environment-friendly agriculture; sustainable power and energy
system; decent job provision for all able-bodied citizens with
living minimum wage and pension; social security, etc. coupled with
massive industrial development plans.
But
it will be illusory to expect the political class and the capitalist
spin doctors like Sanusi, who are part of the problems, to vote for
public ownership. It will take huge movements of workers, youth and
the oppressed for this to be achieved. This explains why over 10
years of civil rule had meant continuous misery for the vast
majority and wealth for the few. Therefore, as against the
collaborationist and uncritical support of the labour leadership for
Sanusi’s reform, this is the time for the labour movement to build a
mass, democratic fighting platform which will mobilize the enormous
anger, energy and commitment of majority of working and impoverished
masses for the nationalization of the commanding height of the
economy under the democratic control and management of the organized
working and poor people. The labour movement, pro-labour, socialist
and youth organizations must be able to link the current struggle
against deregulation and for N52, 200 minimum wage with the need to
fight for the radical overhaul of Nigeria’s economy through a social
revolution. This underlines the need for a national summit to build
a revolutionary, socialist-oriented political platform. A genuine,
socialist, workers’ government will serve as beckon for working and
poor people in not only Africa but the whole world. This is the
lesson of the current bank crisis.
Kola Ibrahim (08059399178)
Obafemi Awolowo University (OAU), P.O.Box 1319, Enuwa, Ile-Ife
(kmarx4live@yahoo.com) |